ECMI Minorities Blog. More than one club: Catalan language and identity in sociolinguistic practices at Atlético Baleares, Unió Esportiva Sant Andreu, and Villarreal CF

*** The blog posts are prepared by the authors in their personal capacity. The views expressed in the blog posts are the sole responsibility of the authors concerned and do not necessarily reflect the view of the European Centre for Minority Issues. ***

Author: Maria de Lluc Muñoz Canyelles, Helena Barrufet Bravo, Cristòfol Tripiana Traver, and Sergiusz Bober  |  https://doi.org/10.53779/CMSM1711

* Maria de Lluc Muñoz Canyelles (Galilea, Mallorca, 1999) holds a Bachelor’s degree in Political and Administrative Sciences and a Master’s degree in Comparative Politics. She is now finishing her second Master's in Linguistic and Literary Competence: Research and Teaching. She currently serves as Head of International Affairs at Plataforma per la Llengua, the Catalan language NGO. In this role, she leads advocacy initiatives on linguistic rights, language policy, and the international promotion of Catalan. She is actively involved in several civic organisations advocating not only for the linguistic and cultural rights of Catalan speakers in the Balearic Islands and across the Catalan Countries, but also for the defence of a territory increasingly threatened by mass tourism and speculative development. Her civic engagement reflects a broader commitment to social justice, environmental sustainability, and the protection of local communities. Beyond her professional and civic engagement, she maintains a strong interest in sport and its social dimension. A lifelong football fan, she has supported FC Barcelona and CE Atlètic Balears since birth. She played for her local team when she was young, though without much success.

* Helena Barrufet Bravo is a young linguist with a strong interest in minority language and identity, language rights, and youth language and music. Her research work explores the intersections between language practices, culture and identity. She holds a double MA in European Studies from the University of Limerick (Ireland) and Europa-Universität Flensburg (Germany), and a double BA in Applied Linguistics, Translation and English Studies from the University of Lleida (Spain). She wrote her Master’s thesis at the ECMI, where she conducted research on the Catalan language, language policies, and ethno-federal states. During her undergraduate studies, she presented her Bachelor’s thesis at ICLaVE12, titled “Flexing the Linguistic Dimension of the Rels B: Languaging and Intertextuality,” contributing to discussions on contemporary linguistic practices and identity construction. She currently works at the Euroregion Pyrenees Mediterranean as Head of Communication, an EGTC dedicated to fostering cross-border cooperation and amplifying the voices of Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, and the Occitanie Region within the European sphere. Her professional role bridges communication, policy, and regional representation, reflecting her broader interest in language, identity, and governance in multilingual contexts. Helena is fluent in Catalan, Spanish, English, French, and Italian, and possesses a good knowledge of German.

* Cristòfol Tripiana Traver (Vila-real, 1991) holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Translation and Interpretation and a Master’s Degree in Teaching Catalan to Speakers of Other Languages. He has experience as a translator from English, French, German, and Spanish into Catalan in various areas. From 2019 to 2022, he worked as a proofreader for À Punt, the Valencian Media Corporation. Afterwards, he taught Catalan at Queen Mary University of London for three years, where he was also the administrator of the Centre for Catalan Studies. Since September 2025, he has taught courses on Catalan language and culture at the University of the Basque Country, as well as at the Casal Català d’Araba and the Escola Catalana de Londres. A lifelong Vila-real CF fan and a season card holder for nearly 25 years, his fields of interest include sociolinguistics (especially how different areas such as football can play a role therein), dialectology, and language teaching and learning.

Due to its popularity, football frequently becomes linked to various ideologies, social issues, and political aspirations. In fascist Italy, for instance, it became a tool for consolidating the regime’s grip on the masses. The final years of Yugoslavia, in turn, saw numerous instances of nationalist agendas being voiced loudly during matches involving Croatian and Serbian teams. Some clubs – and their fans in particular – are considered standard-bearers of specific political causes, as with the left-wing identity of Tuscany’s Livorno. Similarly, the famous “Democracia Corinthiana” experiment in Brazil during the early 1980s provided a practical and widely-disseminated lesson in democracy while the country was still under military rule.  

These dynamics are not foreign to territories with distinct cultural, linguistic, and historical identities. The Catalan Countries – the areas where the Catalan language is historically spoken – can be considered a prime example of such a region (Figure 1). It is further characterised by frictions resulting from its integration into broader state structures, most prominently, that of Spain. These competing dynamics are frequently reflected across different social spheres, be it politics, culture, media or – as discussed in this text – sport.

This milieu resulted in FC Barcelona becoming a globally recognisable symbol of commitment to the Catalan language and identity, famously reflected in the club’s motto “Més que un club” (More than a club). However, its sporting success and sociocultural prominence often overshadow other clubs from the Catalan-speaking sphere that face similar sociopolitical dynamics.

This blog post aims to shift attention towards such less prominent entities: Atlético Baleares, Unió Esportiva Sant Andreu, and Villarreal CF. In doing so, it intends to contribute to the discussion concerning language and identity within lesser-known football clubs in the region. Methodologically, the selected cases represent a variety of settings which should encourage reflection on more general patterns and dynamics: one club from Spain’s La Liga, and two competing in the fourth tier (as of the 2025–26 season). Geographically, the study covers the Balearic Islands, the northern periphery of Barcelona, and the Valencian Community. Based on extensive desk research, the analysis focuses on the language and identity-related practices of these three clubs and their fans. In the cases of Atlético Baleares and Villarreal CF, this is enhanced by direct observation of matchday dynamics, supplemented by extensive fieldwork conducted at and around the premises of Sant Andreu.

Atlético Baleares

Mallorca, the largest of the Balearic Islands, has Catalan as its native language, which shares official status with Spanish. In recent decades, its sociolinguistic landscape has been shifting due to major demographic changes – particularly driven by the tourism industry and labour demands. Consequently, Catalan has lost its predominance, especially in the capital, Palma, and in other tourist areas. Additionally, language policy has become a point of political contention as regional governing parties with a Spanish nationalist orientation push for the greater use of Spanish in all domains.

The island is home to numerous football clubs, most notably RCD Mallorca, founded in 1916 with links to the upper classes. 1920s saw the emergence of working-class clubs, culminating in the founding of Balears FC in Palma. In 1942, it adopted the name Atlético Baleares – though many fans prefer the Catalan form, Atlètic Balears (hereinafter ATB). The club’s first men’s and women’s teams currently compete in the Segona Federació, which represents the fourth tier of the league system for the men and the third for the women.

Due to its origins, ATB holds a deeply rooted identity tied to working-class values, social justice, and leftist causes. However, tensions have often emerged between the club’s management and its fan base. As balearico columnist Vicenç Amengual points out, efforts to grow the club by distancing it from these values have repeatedly led to “social and sporting downfall”. The current German owners seem to acknowledge this connection. However, they did not do so initially; it was the result of sustained pressure from the fans.

These tensions are reflected in the club’s linguistic practices. Despite the significance of Catalan among its supporters, the official name remains in Spanish – Club Deportivo ATB – across all official platforms. The website defaults to Spanish, though Catalan, English, and German versions are also available (in that order). However, the newsletter and promotional banners are exclusively in Spanish, while the online store is available in Spanish and English, suggesting limited belief in the commercial potential of Catalan.

The club’s social media accounts show mixed language use. Facebook and Instagram posts are mostly identical, with Catalan used for short captions, slogans, and common phrases, while longer texts tend to appear exclusively in Spanish. On X, Spanish dominates, but slogans still frequently appear in Catalan. This marks an improvement from previous years, when posts were only in Spanish and English – this shift can, once again, be interpreted as a response to sustained pressure from fans. On YouTube, a promo video for the 2025–26 season was titled in Catalan “Ens esperen dies de glòria” (Glory days await us), a well-known slogan for the balearicos. However, both the audio and captions were in Spanish, with Catalan available only via subtitles.

Stadium signage is predominantly in Spanish (Figure 2), with the only exception being a Catalan word for shop (Figure 3). Matchday announcements, on the other hand, are mostly in Catalan. The official merchandise also largely reflects the predominance of Spanish. Nevertheless, a closer look at the official shirts suggests a deliberate use of Catalan. The small front detail concerning home and away shirts for the 2025-26 season features a Catalan inscription (“Balearicos des de 1942”; Balearicos since 1942), while remaining close to the Spanish equivalent (“Balearicos desde 1942”). Additionally, the upper back of the away and third shirts contains Catalan wording: “Casa Nostra” (Our Home) and “Estadi Balear” (Balearic Stadium).

In contrast, the fanbase maintains a stronger commitment to Catalan. In Catalan and Spanish football culture, fans often form “penyes” (supporters’ clubs) – community-focused groups that organize events, attend matches, and maintain cultural traditions. ATB has a federation of 14 official penyes, which openly declare themselves anti-racist, anti-homophobic, and anti-fascist. They self-identify as representatives of the working class, demanding respect for their culture, language, and history. Social media posts, banners, and chants of these groups are both in Catalan and Spanish. Supporters also produce their own merchandise – scarves, flags, and shirts—featuring the club’s name in Catalan.

Unió Esportiva Sant Andreu

It can be argued that the Unió Esportiva Sant Andreu (hereinafter UESA), founded in 1909 in Barcelona’s working-class neighbourhood of Sant Andreu de Palomar, is more than a football club. Deeply embedded in its local community, it has become a cultural and political reference point due to its on- and off-the-field activities. Like ATB, the men’s first team currently plays in Segona Federació, but the women’s team and a football academy underline its commitment to grassroots development, further highlighted by a social base of over 5,000 fee-paying members. Catalan language and culture play a decisive role in shaping the club’s identity, in a city where Catalan is not necessarily the linguistic norm. Various symbolic elements reinforce this profile of the club.

The club jersey has historically featured the four red stripes (quatre barres) of the Catalan flag, except during Franco’s repressive dictatorship. This distinctive design earned the team and its fans the nickname “quadribarrats”. Recent collaboration with Meyba, a Barcelona-based sports brand, has modernised the visual identity of the club while maintaining its symbolic roots. The club’s soundscape adds another layer of collective identity. Derbies against CE Europa often start with “Els Segadors”, the Catalan anthem. The tradition was interrupted after 2017, when political conflict around the independence referendum created a hostile climate, yet in 2025 the anthem returned following supporters' demands. During games, fans also sing “El Virolai”, a hymn dedicated to Our Lady of Montserrat, while the official anthem “Flames i ginesta” celebrates the Catalan colours. This song was recently reinterpreted by Ginestà, a pop band from Sant Andreu de Palomar with close ties to the club, transforming a historic anthem into a living expression of cultural continuity.

Language-wise, UESA contributes to normalising and promoting Catalan in both the sporting and public spheres (Figure 4). This linguistic identity is openly displayed in the club’s communication practices. All social media content is written in Catalan. On X, the club expresses support for language rights and human rights causes. On Instagram, the tone is more visual and community-focused, fostering fan interaction. A WhatsApp channel with over 1,800 subscribers also strengthens direct communication and a sense of community. The website, titled “L’orgull del poble des de 1909” (Pride of the people since 1909), uses Catalan exclusively and thus reinforces the symbolic importance of language. Furthermore, fans and players were reported to be helping immigrants learn Catalan.

The increasing popularity of UESA can also be attributed to a growing disaffection with elite football. It has become increasingly commercialised and expensive, whereas supporters of UESA enjoy ethnolinguistic authenticity, affordability, and proximity. Despite the club’s recent rise to Segona Federació, the board has chosen to maintain the low ticket prices and inclusive policies that have characterised UESA in recent years. Similarly, sponsorship balances multinational partners with small local businesses, ensuring that the economic base reflects both global presence and neighbourhood support. This reinforces the club’s social mission and helps build a loyal fan base. The territorial and emotional identification is also reflected in many locals referring to their place of origin not as Barcelona, but rather Sant Andreu de Palomar. In Catalonia’s capital shaped by gentrification, loss of neighbourhood identity, and continuous pressure on the Catalan language, clubs like UESA have become cultural actors symbolising resistance, memory, and linguistic rootedness.

Furthermore, while elite football increasingly aligns with controversial interests, the club defends values shared by its community: it has long cooperated with Open Arms, an NGO providing maritime first aid, it supports women’s and LGBTQ+ rights as well as feminist causes (for example, by defending Jennifer Hermoso during the Rubiales controversy), whilst consistently showcasing Catalan language and identity. Official statements on political issues, including opposition to rulings against Catalan leaders, confirm that UESA functions as a civic voice as much as a sporting entity. This attitude is also visible among fans, particularly the Desperdicis supporters’ group. They embody a strong ideological stance, including anti-fascism, anti-racism, Catalanism, and working-class pride (Figure 5). Their ‘tifos’ are political manifests, rich in references to history and local traditions, such as the one featuring Marina Ginestà.

Villarreal CF 

The town of Vila-real is probably best known for its football club, Villarreal CF (hereinafter: VCF). A team from a town of just over 50,000 inhabitants would typically not be expected to feature in the Champions League or win a Europa League, all of which highlight sporting excellency. However, the use of Catalan (commonly called Valencian in the region and here), the local language, is not a top priority for the board, as demonstrated below. 

Linguistically, Vila-real is a town with a high percentage of Valencian speakers, as evidenced by different surveys. Importantly, according to Article 6 of the Statute of Autonomy of the Valencian Community, Valencian is the Community’s “own language" and the regional government should work towards its revitalisation. Despite that, many Valencian speakers in the region feel the implementation of that leaves much to be desired. 

One of the most symbolic issues to consider regarding the use of Valencian by the club is the team’s name. As unanimously approved in 2006 by all parties in the local council, the town’s only official name is in Valencian, Vila-real. The club, however, has consistently rejected petitions to change the name to the official Valencian nomenclature. It has even challenged local media outlets, such as the Valencian broadcaster À Punt, for referring to the team as “Vila-real”, formally requesting that they use only the club’s official name VCF. 

On a more positive note, the team’s official anthem (1998) as well as the Centenary anthem (2023) have their lyrics in Valencian, and a book published to celebrate the club’s centenary was made available in Spanish, Valencian, and English versions. However, social media is one of the areas where VCF’s disregard for the local language is more evident: on Facebook and Instagram, Spanish is clearly the dominant language, with Valencian used only marginally. On X, several accounts exist for each language. The primary account (@VillarrealCF, with no language specified in the username) is in Spanish. The English account (@VillarrealCFen) translates and posts much of the content from the Spanish account. In contrast, the Valencian account (@VillarrealCFval), created ten years later than the primary Spanish account, and two years later than the English one, has very limited activity. It publishes only the most relevant news, often fewer than 10 tweets a week, compared to around 100 in the Spanish account and about 50 in the English account. Additionally, the quality of the texts in Valencian is relatively poor, especially on the club’s website. While there are versions in all three languages, the Valencian version often contains mistakes, inconsistencies, or unnatural expressions, which could lead a native speaker to think it was generated by machine translation and not thoroughly proofread by a professional. 

In contrast to the online marginalisation, the stadium announcer at the Estadio de la Cerámica (the stadium’s new name since 2017, also in Spanish, replacing the traditional El Madrigal; Figure 6) delivers his announcements in Valencian, and has done so for quite a few years now. It was therefore shocking for many fans to hear the announcer switch to Spanish during a league game against – ironically enough –Valencia. The protests and complaints on Twitter following this sudden language switch apparently led the board to reconsider this decision. In the next game, the announcer reverted to the usual Valencian. 

However, apart from this reaction to the speaker switching to Spanish some years ago, the general feeling is that there is a lack of demand for a broader and better use of Valencian from the fanbase. The main reason for this is probably related to the concepts of diglossia and language prestige: it seems clear that, even after more than 40 years of official status and efforts toward linguistic normalisation and standardisation, the use of Valencian in the Valencian Community still lacks prestige in many situations. Therefore, given the current perspective of both the board and possibly a significant number of fans who believe that the use of Valencian by the club is already balanced and appropriate, it is difficult to anticipate an improvement in the future. 

Conclusions

The interpretation of these cases suggests that each context clearly reflects the sociolinguistic environment in which it is embedded. UESA provides the ideal model, characterised by a close alignment between the club and its fanbase regarding their Catalan linguistic and identity profiles. On the other hand, ATB and VCF can be grouped as clubs where, at the institutional level, there is a certain limited awareness of the sociolinguistic surroundings, yet the visibility of Catalan/Valencian is largely driven by the fans. Whereas in the case of ATB a more activist approach is observable, rooted in a deep commitment to the club’s linguistic and political heritage, in VCF the attitude is more reserved. Nevertheless, there is capacity for countering the more extreme attempts to marginalise Valencian. It can be argued that, in both these cases, the use of Catalan – though clearly limited – has already moved beyond the stage of mere tokenism (Figure 7). Such inroads may therefore serve as a gateway to more consistent language use. For this potential to be fulfilled, however, sustained fan-led action is necessary. As suggested above, the likelihood of that is higher at ATB, yet some of the necessary building blocks are also present at VCF.

Such bottom-up initiatives are particularly necessary, as all three cases also reveal persistent fragility regarding the future institutional use of a minoritised language. In both ATB and VCF, it is often eclipsed by Spanish or even English, which is highlighted by its superficial or imperfect use. Besides the demolinguistic factors explaining the use of Spanish, the prominence of English can be linked to economic interests. Due to its sporting success, VCF has the potential to build a global following, whereas ambitious clubs like ATB, even when competing in lower leagues, already appear to be targeting foreign residents and tourists in their catchment areas, while anticipating future expansion beyond their core fan base. The future of UESA, in turn, is marked by ambitious plans for growth following its recent acquisition by a Japanese investor, a trajectory further bolstered by its promotion to the third tier achieved in April 2026. In the mid- to long-term, this shift could lead to cracks in the club’s robust minority profile, particularly through the erosion of its Catalan-only communication practices.

In a general sense, these three cases clearly demonstrate that language and identity questions are deeply embedded within football clubs across the Catalan Countries. Thus, football once again confirms its role as a potent platform for expressing diverse sociopolitical aspirations. Furthermore, as frequently observed in minoritised contexts, the resulting balance of the showcased languages and identities is a product of complex dynamics involving the interplay of micro (e.g., bottom-up pressure from fans) and macro levels (e.g., clubs’ economic interests). From a research perspective, this rich microcosm warrants more concerted academic effort: while the three clubs discussed here should be scrutinised more deeply, other sporting entities operating within the Catalan countries must not be overlooked.